Introduction

The first book, then, is the oldest part of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra; it is probably the old Âkârâṅga Sûtra itself to which other treatises have been added. For it is complete in p. xlviii itself; it describes in rather enigmatical language the progress of the faithful towards the highest perfection. The last lecture, a sort of popular ballad on the glorious suffering of the prophet, was perhaps added in later times, but as it stands now it serves well to illustrate and to set a high example of the true ascetic's life. But the greater part of the book is in prose of the most bewildering kind. Frequently we meet with fragments only of sentences, or with sentences which it is impossible to construe. This reminds us of the style of the Brahmanical Sûtras; but there is this difference, that in the last-named works the single aphorisms are the necessary links in the logical concatenation of ideas, while in our book the single sentences or parts of sentences do not seem to be connected with one another in order to carry on the illustration of an idea. They do not read like a logical discussion, but like a sermon made up by quotations from some then well-known sacred books. In fact the fragments of verses and whole verses which are liberally interspersed in the prose text go far to prove the correctness of my conjecture; for many of these 'disjecta membra' are very similar to verses or Pâdas of verses occurring in the Sûtrakritâṅga, Uttarâdhyayana, and Dasavaikâlika Sûtras. They must therefore be taken as allusions to standard authorities. The same must be assumed of at least some prose sentences, especially those which are incomplete in themselves. Other passages again seem to be added to those quotations in order to explain or to complete them. I shall give a few specimens. I, 4, 1, 3 we read, aho ya râo gatamânĕ dhîre; this is a Pâda of a Trishtubh, and accordingly a quotation. The words which follow, sayâ âgayapannane, explain the meaning of that quotation, aho ya râo = sayâ, gatamâne dhîre = âgayapannâne. The text continues pamatte bahiyâ pâsa. This is probably a Pâda of a Sloka; the rest of the sentence, appamatte sayâ parakkameggâ, is the moral application of the preceding one. We should therefore translate: 'Day and night exerting himself and steadfast,' i.e. always having ready wisdom. 'Look, the careless stand outside,' (therefore)

p. xlix being careful he should always exert himself. The commentator however does not separate the quotations from the glosses, but takes all these passages as parts of one sentence, which he interprets in the way that it has been rendered in the text of my translation, p. 37. In this as in many other cases I have preferred to give in my translation the meaning which Sîlâṅka has given in his commentary. For it is sometimes extremely difficult to separate the quotations from the remaining text. I have never dared to do so when they could not be proved to be parts of verses. I had therefore to leave unnoticed all such passages which, as the one quoted above, might be taken as a Pâda of a Sloka; for in every prose work such passages occur, though they never were meant for verse. They may, therefore, only accidentally resemble parts of a Sloka in our book too, though the great number of such passages is rather suspicious. The greatest difficulty however we should incur if we were to point out the prose quotations, though there are certainly such, e. g. I, 3, 1, 1, suttâ amunî, munino satatam gâgaranti. Such phrases differ in style from the rest of the prose part; but it would be impossible to draw the line between them and the work of the real author. From what has been said, it will appear how difficult it is to do justice to such a work as the first book of the Âkârâṅga in the first attempt to translate it. In most cases I have contented myself with rendering the text according to the interpretation of the commentator. It must be left to future labours to come nearer the meaning of the author than it has been preserved by the tradition of the scholiasts.

Formerly the first book contained nine lectures instead of eight, one lecture, the Mahâparinnâ, being now lost. It was, according to some authorities, Samavâyâṅga, Nandî, Âvasyaka Niryukti, and Vidhiprabhâ 1, the ninth lecture; but according to the Niryukti of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra, which contains a systematic exposition of the subjects treated in the single lectures and lessons of the Âkârâṅga itself, and p. l to Sîlâṅka and the other commentators, it was the eighth lecture. It contained seven lessons, and treated of some details of ascetic life 1. The fact that the same subjects were treated in the second book probably occasioned the loss of the Mahâparinnâ, 'because it was superfluous 2.' The second book consists of four parts (Kûlâ) or appendices. There were originally five Kûlâs, but the fifth, the Nisîhiyagghana, is now reckoned as a separate work. The first and second parts lay down rules for conduct. Their style is very different from that of the first book, being rather cumbrous, and not at all aphoristical. The greatest difficulty in translating these parts is caused by the numerous technical terms, some of which remain obscure, notwithstanding the explanation of the commentary; others again are simply transcribed into Sanskrit by the scholiast, and seem to require no definition to be understood by the modern Gainas. But it is different with us, who are frequently reduced to guessing at the meaning of technicalities which a Yati could explain at once. It is therefore to be hoped that some scholars in India, who can avail themselves of the instruction of a Yati, will turn their attention to this subject, and get an authentic explanation of the many technical terms the meaning of which cannot be ascertained by a European scholar by the means of Gaina works only.

The third and fourth Kûlâs have, according to the Parisishta Parvan IX, been revealed to the eldest sister of Sthûlabhadra by Sîmandhara, a Gina living in Pûrvavideha, a mythical continent. This tradition is very remarkable, as it assigns what we should call the composition of the two last parts of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra to the same time when the Kalpa Sûtra, which treats of a similar subject, was composed. The third part is of great interest, as it contains the materials from which the Life of Mahâvîra in the Kalpa Sûtra has been worked out. In fact most of the prose paragraphs occur with but small alterations in the Kalpa p. li [paragraph continues] Sûtra. The latter work adds little that is material from an historical point of view, but a great deal of descriptions which have become typical and are to be found in other Gaina works adapted to similar circumstances. The Âkârâṅga Sûtra contains, besides the above-mentioned paragraphs, some verses which are wanting in the Kalpa Sûtra, On comparing these verses with those in the eighth lecture of the first book, we become aware of the great difference which subsists between both portions of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra, for in both, kindred subjects are treated in Âryâ verses, yet the difference in style and in the treatment of the metre is such as can only be explained by the assumption of a considerable distance of time. The latter part of the third Kûlâ, which treats of the five great vows, with their twenty-five clauses, calls for no further remark; nor is anything more to be said about the twelve verses which make up the fourth Kûlâ, but that they are probably old, and have been added here for want of a better place.

The latter part of the third Kûlâ, which treats of the five great vows, with their twenty-five clauses, calls for no further remark; nor is anything more to be said about the twelve verses which make up the fourth Kûlâ, but that they are probably old, and have been added here for want of a better place. The translation of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra is based on my edition of the text in the Pâli Text Society 1, and the commentaries printed in the Calcutta edition of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra. They are 1. Tîkâ of Sîlâṅka, also called Tattvâditya, said to have been finished in the Saka year 798 or 876 A.D., with the help of Vâhari Sâdhu. 2. Dîpikâ of Ginahamsa Sûri, a teacher of the Brihat Kharatara Gakkha. The Dîpikâ is almost verbally copied from the Tîkâ, which it pretends to reduce to a smaller compass. But the reduction consists almost entirely in the omission of Sîlâṅka's comments on the Niryukti verses, which form his introduction to every lecture and lesson. 3. Pârsvakandra's Bâlâvabodha or Gugerati Gloss. In some parts of the second book, which are not explained in the older commentaries, this gloss was the only help I had. It generally closely follows the explanation of the older commentaries, more especially that of the Dîpikâ. About the Kalpa Sûtra I have spoken at some length in p. lii the introduction to my edition of that work 1, to which I refer the reader for further particulars. Since that time Professor Weber has taken up the subject in his treatise on the Sacred Books of the Gainas and corrected some mistakes of mine. He ascertained that the whole Kalpa Sûtra is incorporated as the eighth lecture in the Dasâsrutaskandha, the fourth Kheda Sûtra. Professor Weber concurs in my opinion that the 'Rules for Yatis' may be the work of Bhadrabâhu 2, and that the List of Sthaviras' probably has been added by Devarddhi, the editor of the Siddhânta. I do not think, however, that Devarddhi was the author of the Life of Mahâvîra also, as Professor Weber suggests. For if it were the work of so well known a man, tradition would certainly not have allowed such a fact to become forgotten. It was a different thing with the List of Sthaviras, which consists of four or five distinct treatises only put together and added to the Lives of the Ginas by the editor of the work. We cannot argue from the style of the Lives of the Ginas that that part must be younger than the Rules for Yatis; for the same difference of style occasioned by the diversity of the matter exists between the third Kûlâ of the Âkârâṅga Sûtra and the two preceding ones. Nor can the meagreness of the contents be adduced as an argument against the antiquity of the Lives of the Ginas, since they were probably not intended for biographical treatises, but served a liturgical purpose; for when the images of the Tîrthakaras are worshipped in the temples they are addressed with hymns, one of which sums up the Kalyânakas or auspicious moments 3. It is

p. liii with these Kalyânakas that the Lives of the Ginas are chiefly concerned, and this fact seems to prove that the custom of mentioning the Kalyânakas in the worship of the Tîrthakaras is a very old one; for otherwise it would be impossible to conceive what could have induced an author to treat so largely of so barren a subject as has been done in the Kalpa Sûtra. But whatever may be the age of the several parts of the Kalpa Sûtra, it is certain that this work has been held in high esteem by the Gainas for more than a thousand years. It therefore deserves a place in this collection of translations from the Sacred Books of the East. I could only have wished to make my translation more worthy of the place where it is to make its appearance; but if I have somewhat fallen short in my performance, I hope it will be accepted as an excuse that I had to translate into a language which is not my own, works of a literature which, notwithstanding all that has been done for it, still is all but virgin soil to us. HERMANN JACOBI. MÜNSTER, WESTPHALIA, June, 1884. x:1 See Oldenberg's edition, pp. 231, 232; the translation, p. 104 seq., of the second part, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvii. x:2 The passages in which the Ñâtikas occur seem to have been misunderstood by the commentator and the modern translators. Rhys Davids in his translation of the Mahâparinibbâna-Sutta (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xi) says in a note, p. 24:. At first Nâdika is (twice) spoken of in the plural number; but then, p. xi thirdly, in the last clause, in the singular. Buddhaghosa explains this by saying that there were two villages of the same name on the shore of the same piece of water.' The plural Ñâtikâ denotes, in my opinion, the Kshatriyas, the singular is the adjective specifying Giñgakâvasatha, which occurs in the first mention of the place in the Mahâparinibbâna-Sutta and in the Mahâvagga VI, 30, 5, and must be supplied in the former book wherever Nâdika is used in the singular. I think the form Nâdika is wrong, and Ñâtika, the spelling of the Mahâvagga, is correct. Mr. Rhys Davids is also mistaken in saying in the index to his translation: 'Nâdika, near Patna.' It is apparent from the narrative in the Mahâvagga that the place in question, as well as Kotiggâma, was near Vesâli.

xi:1 See Weber, Indische Studien, XVI, p. 262. xii:1 See Kalpa Sûtra, my edition, p. 113. Ketaka is called the maternal uncle of Mahâvîra. xii:2 See Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § no; Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 15, § 15. xii:3 Turnour in the Journal of the Royal As. Soc. of Bengal, VII, p. 992. xii:4 Ed. Warren, p. 27. xii:5 See Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas. xiii:1 The Gainas are very particular in stating the names and gotras of Mahâvîra's relations, of whom they have recorded little else. Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § 109. xiii:2 See Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, §§ 17 and 18. xiii:3 See Nirayâvalî Sûtra, ed. Warren, p. 22. She is commonly called by the Buddhists Vaidehî; in a Thibetan life of Buddha her name is Srîbhadrâ, which. reminds us of the name of Ketaka's wife Subhadrâ. See Schiefner in Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale de St. Pétersbourg, tome iv, p. 253. xiii:4 He is usually called only Seniya or Srenika; the full name is given in the Dasâsrutaskandha, Weber, Ind. Stud. XVI, p. 469. xiv:1 That the same person is intended by both names is evident from the fact that according to Buddhist and Gaina writers he is the father of Udâyin or Udayibhaddaka, the founder of Pâtaliputra in the records of the Gainas and Brahmans. xiv:2 The story is told with the same details by the Buddhists; see Kern, Der Buddhismus and seine Geschichte in Indien, I, p. 249 (p. 195 of the original), and the Gainas in the Nirayâvalî Sûtra.

xiv:2 The story is told with the same details by the Buddhists; see Kern, Der Buddhismus and seine Geschichte in Indien, I, p. 249 (p. 195 of the original), and the Gainas in the Nirayâvalî Sûtra. xiv:3 See above. xiv:4 Mahâparinibbâna-Sutta I, 26, and Mahâvagga VI, 28, 7 seq. xv:1 Nâtaputta in Pâli and Prâkrit. The Buddhists call him Nigantha Nâtaputta, i.e. Gñâtriputra the Nirgrantha or Gaina monk. xv:2 This period of his life is the subject of a sort of ballad incorporated in the Âkârâṅga Sûtra (I, 8). xvi:1 See Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § 122; Kampâ, 3; Vaisâlî, 12; Mithilâ, 6; Râgagriha, 14; Bhadrikâ, 2; Âlabhikâ, 1; Panitabhûmi, 1; Srâvastî, 1; Pâpâ, 1. All these towns, with the exception of Panitabhûmi, Srâvastî, and perhaps Âlabhikâ, lay within the limits of the three kingdoms mentioned in the text. xvii:1 See Petersburg Dictionary, ss. vv. xviii:1 These twelve years of penance were indeed always thought essential for obtaining perfection, and every ascetic who endeavours to quit this life with the best claims to enter one of the highest heavens, or even Nirvâna, has to undergo a similar course of preparatory penance, which lasts twelve years. xviii:2 Indische Studien, XVI, 210. xix:1 Indische Alterthumskunde, IV, p. 763 seq. xxii:1 Fragment der Bhagavatî, II, pp. x75, 187. xxii:2 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXVIII, p. 222, note. xxii:3 Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 16e.

xxii:3 Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 16e. xxiii:1 Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p.139. xxiii:2 Baudhâyana II, to, 18; see Bühler's translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. 275. xxv:1 See Bühler's translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, pp. 191, 192. The numbers in the text refer to the paragraphs in Gautama's third book. The similar passages of Baudhâyana are referred to in the notes. xxv:2 Compare Baudhâyana II, 6, 11, s6. xxv:3 Baudhâyana II, 6, 11, 20. xxv:4 Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 2, 2, § 6. xxv:5 Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § 119. xxv:6 Baudhâyana II, 6, 12, 22. xxv:7 Kalpa Sûtra, Rules for Yatis, § 20. xxvi:1 Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 15, v, § 15, xxvi:2 Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § 118. xxvi:3 Baudhâyana, l.c.;16. xxvi:4 Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 5, 1, § 1. xxvi:5 Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § 117. xxvi:6 Âkârâṅga Sûtra I, 7, 7, 1. xxvi:7 L.c. § 21. xxvi:8 Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 5, 2, I, and I, 7, 5, 2. xxvi:9 Compare Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 2, 2, 1. xxvii:1 Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, I, 7, 6, and 8th Lesson. xxvii:2 Baudhâyana II, 10, 17, 10. xxvii:3 Mumde bhavittâ agârâo anagâriyam pavvaie. xxvii:4 Âkârâṅga Sûtra I, 8, 1, 2. xxvii:5 Âkârâṅga Sûtra I, 8, 3, 1. xxviii:1 Kalpa Sûtra, Lives of the Ginas, § 117, towards the end. xxviii:2 E. g. Kalpa Sûtra, Rules for Yatis, § 51. xxviii:3 Baudhâyana II, 6, 11, 23. xxviii:4 Âkârâṅga Sûtra, p. 1, note 2. xxviii:5 Baudhâyana II, 6, 11, 24, 25.

xxviii:5 Baudhâyana II, 6, 11, 24, 25. xxviii:6 See Professor Bühler's translation, p. 260, note. xxviii:7 Baudhâyana II, 10, 17, 11. xxviii:8 Âkârâṅga Sûtra, p. 67, note 3. xxviii:9 Though a monk is allowed to carry a water vessel besides his alms-bowl, still it is thought more meritorious to have but one bowl. xxix:1 Baudhâyana II, 10, 18, 13. xxix:2 Âkârâṅga Sûtra II, 1. xxx:1 Sacred Laws of the Aryas, part i, introduction, p. xliii. xxx:2 L.c. p. xxii. xxx:3 L.c. p. xlix. xxx:4 Buddha, sein Leben, &c., p. 557 seq. xxxi:1 Mahâvagga I, 6, 12. xxxi:2 This legend is rejected as absurd by the Digambaras, but the Svetâmbaras staunchly uphold its truth. As it is found in the Âkârâṅga, the Kalpa Sûtra, and many other books, it cannot be doubted that it is very old. However, it is not at all clear for what reason so absurd a legend could have been invented and have gained currency. Yet I may be allowed to offer my opinion on this dark point. I assume that Siddhârtha had two wives, the Brâhmanî Devânandâ, the real mother of Mahâvîra, and the Kshatriyânî Trisalâ; for the name of the alleged husband of the former, viz. Rishabhadatta, cannot be very old, because its Prâkrit form would in that case probably be Usabhadinna instead of Usabhadatta. Besides, the name is such as could be given to a Gaina only, not to a Brahman. I therefore make no doubt that Rishabhadatta has been invented by the Gainas in order to provide Devânandâ with another husband. Now Siddhârtha was connected with persons of high rank and great influence through his marriage with Trisalâ. It was, therefore, probably thought more profitable to give out that Mahâvîra was the son, and not merely the step-son of Trisalâ, for this reason, that he should be entitled to the patronage of her relations. This story could all the more easily have gained credence as Mahâvîra's parents were dead many years when he came forward as a prophet. But as the real state of things could not totally have been erased from the memory of the people, the story of the transfer of the embryos was invented. The latter idea was not an original conception of the Gainas, but it is evidently borrowed from the Purânic story of the transfer of the embryo of Krishna from the womb of Devakî to that of Rohinî. The worship of Krishna seems to have been popular during the first centuries of the development of the Gaina creed; for the Gainas have reproduced the whole history of Krishna, with small alterations, in relating the life of the twenty-second Tîrthakara, Arishtanemi, who was a famous Yâdava.

xxxii:1 Max Müller, The Hibbert Lectures, p. 343. xxxii:2 Chapter x, 4. Bühler's translation. xxxvi:1 See Indische Studien, XVI. xxxvi:2 See Dr. Klatt, Ind. Ant. XI. xxxvii:1 It is possible, but not probable, that the date of the redaction fell sixty years later, 514 (527) A.D.; see Kalpa Sûtra, introduction, p. 15. xxxviii:1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiii, introduction, p. xxxiii. xxxix:1 Among the latter Ârava may denote the Arabs, as Weber thinks, or, as I prefer to think, the Tamils, whose language is called Aravamu by the Dravidians. xxxix:2 See Weber, Indische Studien, XVI, p. 237. xl:1 I do not contend that no double forms of any word were current at any time, for there must have been a good many double forms, but I doubt that r early every word should have existed in two or three forms. xli:1 It might be objected that archaic spellings are due to the influence of the knowledge of Sanskrit; but the Gainas must always have been so well acquainted with Prâkrit that they needed not any help from the Sanskrit to understand their sacred books. On the contrary, in their Sanskrit MSS. we frequently meet with words spelt like Prâkrit words. Besides, some spellings cannot be explained as Sanskriticisms, eg. dâraga for dâraya, the Sanskrit prototype being dâraka. xlii:1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. x, p. xxxii. xliii:1 Parisishta Parvan IX, 55 seqq. xliii:2 Geschiedenis van het Buddhisme in Indie, ii, p. 266 note.

xliii:2 Geschiedenis van het Buddhisme in Indie, ii, p. 266 note. xliv:1 See Weber, Indische Studien, XVI, p. 341 seqq. xlv:1 The Gainas explain the meaning of the word pûrva in the following way. The Tîrthakara himself taught the Pûrvas to his disciples, the Ganadharas. The Ganadharas then composed the Aṅgas. There is evidently some truth in this tradition, as it does not agree with the dogma of the Aṅgas, being taught already by the first Tîrthakara. See Weber, Indische Studien, XVI, p. 353. xlvi:1 Indische Studien, XVI, p. 248. xlvii:1 See Professor Weber's remarks on the possible bearing of this name in the treatise I had so often occasion to quote, p. 243 seqq. xlvii:2 It was not, however, the first commentary, for Sîlâṅka mentions one by Gandhahastin. xlix:1 See Weber, Indische Studien, XVI, p. 251 seq. l:1 See Calcutta edition, I, p. 435 seq., vv. 251-268. l:2 Sâisayattanena, Weber, l.c. li:1 The Âyârâmga Sutta of the Çvetâmbara Jains, London, 1882. lii:1 The Kalpa Sûtra of Bhadrabâhu, Leipzig, 1879. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, VII, 1. lii:2 That the 'Rules for Yatis' must have been composed at least six generations after Mahâvîra is evident from §§ 3-8, but probably the work is still younger. For in § 6 the Sthaviras, who come immediately after the disciples of the Ganadharas, are spoken of in some contrast to the 'Sramanas Nirgranthas of the present time.' Yet the work cannot be comparatively young, because it appears from §§ 28-30 that the Ginakalpa had not yet fallen into disuse, as it had done in later times. lii:3 The rites are described and the hymns given in a modern work called Katurvimsatitîrthaṅkarânâm pûgâ, a MS. of which belongs to the Deccan College.