Translation and Notes

56:33 Cf. § 32, etc., where Lucian states that she holds a sceptre in one hand and a distaff in the other, and illustration, p. 70. The "tower on her head," i.e., mural crown, emblematic of the goddess as protectress of her cities, is an invariable feature on all but the latest coins, where it sometimes degenerates (see Frontispiece, Nos. r, 8). Compare the chief Hittite goddess (see Fig. 1), and Kybele or Rhea (Fig. 8, p. 72), who is described as turrita by Lucretius. 57:34 Cf. Diod., iv. (i.). On the cult of Dionysus, cf. Farnell, Cults, v. His legends, rites and mysteries largely borrowed from Asia Minor (Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexikon). Identified with Attis and Adonis by Socrates and Plutarch; and with Osiris also by Herodotus (cf. Frazer, op. cit., p. 357). Macrobius recognises all four as sun-gods. On the further reference to mannikins, see Hartmann, "Ein Phallobates," in Jahrbuch d. K. Deut. Archä. Inst., xxvii., 1912 (i.), p. 54. For this reference we are indebted to Professor Bosanquet. Dragendorff seems to us to rightly doubt this writer's chief inference (loc. cit. in an editorial note at the end). 58:35 The stories of Stratonice and of Combabus which follow, §§ 17-25, are not of special interest. They seem to include garbled local details from the legends of Istar and Tammuz, and to be introduced as the fulfilment of Lucian's wish to explain the origin of emasculation and other customs among the Galli (see end of § 15). None the less, Stratonice is a recognisable historical character, wife of Seleucus Nicator (of Antioch), at the close of the third century B.C., and Movers (i., p. 687) has urged the identity of Combabus with the god of Hierapolis. On the resemblance of the name to the Elamite Khumbaba, cf. Ungnad, D. Gilgamesch-Epos, p. 77, n. For this reference we are indebted to Professor Lehmann-Haupt. Six (Num. Chron., 1878, p. 117) explains the main feature of Lucian's story in these words: ". . . la reine se fit initier aux actes religieux; et prit part aux cérémonies que célébraient les Syriens en l’honneur de leur déesse."

65:36 It would be inconsistent with what Lucian says in § 27 and elsewhere on the dress of the Galli to believe that this brazen statue really represented Combabus. His description suggests rather the figure of an Amazon. 66:37 Cf. § 15 and, especially, § 51 below. 66:38 The exact position is now a matter of doubt (see the extracts in the Appendix (p. 94) and Hogarth in Jour. Hell. Stud., xiv. p. 189). Pocock says: "About two hundred paces within the east gate there is raised ground, on which probably stood a temple of the Syrian goddess Atargatis. . . . I conjectured it to be about 200 feet in front. . . . I observed a low wall running from it to the gate . . . (cf. note 42, § 29). It is probable that all the space north of the temple belonged to it." 66:39 So the wall surrounding the royal Syro-Hittite city of Senjerli was doubled (Von Luschan and others, Ausgr. in Sendschirli, Berlin, 1893, etc.); likewise that of the Hittite township on Songrus Eyuk at Sakje Geuzi (Liv. Annals of Arch. v. 65). No traces of the original walls of Hierapolis p. 67 remain: those described by our earliest travellers seem to be of Byzantine type. [See Appendix, pp. 91, 93, 96.] 67:40 The ὄργυια = 4 πήχεις, i.e., 6 feet 1 inch. There is some general correspondence between the details supplied by Lucian and by Pocock. If the latter rightly judged the position we may infer that the temple was 600 feet in length, with a frontage of about 200 feet.

67:40 The ὄργυια = 4 πήχεις, i.e., 6 feet 1 inch. There is some general correspondence between the details supplied by Lucian and by Pocock. If the latter rightly judged the position we may infer that the temple was 600 feet in length, with a frontage of about 200 feet. 67:41 Above, § 16. Similarly twin pillars were erected in the temple of Hercules at Tyre (Herodotus, ii. 44), and in the temple of Solomon at Jerusalem (1 Kings, vii. 15, 21), "eighteen cubits high apiece right and left of the porch." At Paphos it would appear from the coins that single pillars stood in the side chapels as well as the twin pillars and cone in the sanctuary. Gold models from Mykenæ show pairs of horns at the base and top of such pillars (Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Excavations, p. 199, fig. 183), suggesting emblems of generative power, and hence in this sense a phallic motive. On top of the horns is the dove, the emblem of the Goddess Mother. The question of original motive, however, is controversial. Cf. Evans, "Mykenæan Tree and Pillar Cult" (Jour. Hell. Stud., 1907, pp. 99-203); Ramsay, "Relig. of Asia Minor," in Hastings' Dict. Bible, extra vol., p. 111; and the phallic character is disputed by Rob.-Smith, Relig. Sem., p. 457. For the pillar cult in Asia Minor, see Ramsay, loc. cit. The pillar does not appear on Hittite mural decoration; but there is a remarkable monument at Fassiler, in Asia Minor, nearly 8 yards high, the width narrowing from 8 yards at the bottom to 1 yard at the top. Upon the base is carved a group showing a great figure upon two lions, with a smaller figure between the latter. The design has obvious Hittite characteristics, but the execution is crude (Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 134, fig. 7; L. H. pp. 175-176).

This class of emblem is to be distinguished from the sacred p. 68 cones of the goddess in Syria and Asia Minor, such as are found at Mallus, Perga, Byblus, etc., cf. Fig. 6, p. 45. 69:42 cf. § 28, where Lucian says that the entrance faced the north. 70:43 See the design upon the remarkably instructive coin p. 71 now at Vienna, reproduced in Fig. 7. On the identification of "Hera," the lion goddess, and "Zeus," the bull-god, in the Hittite pantheon, see Introduction, pp. 8 ff., and Figs. 2, 3, 4. Macrobius speaks of them as "Hadad" and "Atargatis," names confirmed by inscriptions found at Delos (see p. 25). Lucian's description of the sanctuary, with its common shrine of "Hera" and "Zeus," and the details by which he distinguishes these deities, form the basis of our argument in the Introduction (pp. 11, 23, 27), that this god and goddess are identical with the chief Hittite male and female deities, who are "mated" in the sculptures at Yasily Kaya. The historical inference is that the origins of the temple date from the period of Hittite supremacy; and this conclusion is in seeming agreement with what Lucian says in § 17 of the antiquity of the original temple. Subsequently, as the Hittite power declined, their god lost predominance, and the cult of the Mother Goddess developed its local tendencies. The rites and institutions in the worship at Hierapolis which Lucian now proceeds to describe are naturally those of his own time, but here and there (as in §§ 44, 47) traces of the original dual nature of the cult may be detected.

71:44 This description of the effigy distinguishes the original goddess from the naked or partly clad goddess, with hands to her breasts, with which she is commonly identified in later symbolism and modern interpretation. It accords, moreover, well with the pictures of the goddess upon coins, on which she is always fully clothed and usually girdled. p. 72 (See Introduction, p. 15; also Frontispiece and Figs. 5, 7.) For a familiar aspect of Rhea (Kybele) see our illustration, Fig. 8, taken from a Roman lamp, published in Smith's Small. Class. Dict.—RHEA. A similar design appears on several lamps in the British Museum. For the girdle in Hittite art, see L. H., p. 112 (Marash), p. 527 (Carchemish), etc. 73:45 This object, "with characteristics of the other gods," etc., is hardly explained by the later structure of Roman character which appears upon the coin of the third century A.D. (cf. Fig.7, and p. 23); but in sculptures at Fraktin in Southern Asia Minor (L. H., xlvii.) there are two groups. In the one there is a shrine and image of a god, whom a warrior-priest seems to be worshipping. In the other the Great Mother is enthroned, with a priestess pouring out an oblation before her. In each case between the deity and the worshipper there rises a special form of altar, with pedestal and flat round top (see Fig. 4, p. 24). The pedestal takes the form of a human body, from waist downwards, being swathed by many cross folds of a fringed cloth or garment. Upon the top is perched a dove or pigeon. The bird appears similarly placed on a similar altar at Yarre (Crowfoot, Jour. Hell. Stud. xix., 1899, fig. 4, pp. 40-45). The altar is shown conventionally at Eyuk (see Fig. 3). For the dove in Hittite symbolism, see note 65, and Introduction, pp. 14, 15.

73:46 See above, § 13, and below, § 48. 74:47 It may reasonably be suspected that the empty throne for the sun-god (§ 34) was in reality an altar to this "bearded and robed Apollo." It is also clear that Lucian regards this form of the god as native; and it is of interest to consider what Oriental or Syrian deity is indicated, and for what reasons he became identified in the Greek mind with Apollo. In the first place it is important to recall a passage from Macrobius, which amplifies Lucian's account and seems to confirm our surmise. In the Saturnalia (I. xvii. §§ 66, 67) he says: "The Hierapolitans, a Syrian people, assign all the powers and attributes of the sun to a bearded image which they call Apollo. His face is represented with a long p. 75 pointed beard, and he wears a calathos on his head. His body is protected with a breastplate. In his right hand he holds upright a spear, on the top of which is a small image of Victory; in his left is something like a flower. From the top of his shoulders there hangs down behind a cloak bordered with serpents. . . . Near him are eagles, represented as in flight: at his feet is the image of a woman, with two other female forms right and left; a dragon enfolds them with his coils." With the last sentence of this extract we are not concerned: it possibly refers to features of the shrine added since Lucian's days. We are left then with the conception of a native solar divinity, bearded and robed, and identified on general grounds with Apollo. Why, then, with Apollo?

The beard presents no difficulty, for in early art the Greek Apollo was frequently represented with this feature (e.g., see Farnell, Cults, figs. xvii. and xxiii. and p. 329). In myth Apollo was twin-brother of Artemis; and in the Iliad he was definitely allied with the Trojans. Further, the attribute λύκιος or λύκειος suggests to some scholars an origin in Lycia; while others derive him from the East or from Egypt. However that may be, most scholars are agreed that some aspects of the god are associated with primitive Nature-worship, and there is a general suspicion of an Oriental or Asiatic element in his cult. (See especially the Oxford lectures of Wilamowitz, 1908, "Apollo," p. 30 ff.) This conclusion seems to be supported by the character and seasons of his festivals in Greece. In particular, the Theophania at Delphi, celebrating the return of the sun at springtime, and the πυανέψια at Athens, the harvest-thanksgiving, while natural to any pastoral country, are particularly apposite to the worship of the Great Mother. (For similar festivals in Hittite rites, cf. L. H., pp. 239, 359) Indeed, in § 49, Lucian describes a great festival of the springtime, at which noticeably goats, sheep and cattle were sacrificed; and horses are included in the list of sacred animals in § 41. p. 76There are, then, elements in the Cult of Apollo that had long been familiar to the nature-worshippers of Northern Syria and Asia Minor. The object suggesting a flower (floris species) in the hand of this god indicates, as Macrobius says, a god of vegetation; and possibly it replaced something more definitive, like ears of corn. The calathos we have seen already (note 33) to reflect the ancient conical hat of the Hittite age, and the spear is found in the hand of the warrior-god of Karabel, and in other examples of Hittite art (L. H., pl. lxxv.). Now the local deity who most nearly combined these various attributes would be Sandan (or Sandes), who is figured on the Hittite sculpture of Ivriz (L. H., pl. lvii.) as a god of agriculture, with corn and grapes; he is bearded and wears the Hittite dress and hat. There he was identified by the Greeks with Hercules. Professor Frazer has shown (op. cit., pp. 110, 151 ff.) that Sandan bore to Baal much the same relation as the Hittite "Atys" to their "Zeus." But the youthful god, after the fall of the Hatti and their chief god, seems to have filled in the popular mind the place of the father god also, and to have become more and more identified with him (cf. Frazer, op. cit., p. 236; L. H., p. 360), like Atys with Zeus (Farnell, Cults, i., pp. 36, 37). In this way our Sandan-Atys might come to be regarded quite naturally as a sun-god (like Hadad-Zeus); and hence we should obtain a reasonable explanation for the identification of this deity with Apollo.

77:48 The image of the god is borne aloft on the shoulders of his priests in the Hittite sanctuary near Boghaz-Keui (L. H., pl. lxv. and p. 239). Strabo (xii. iii. 32) relates a similar custom at Comana (Pontus) at the Exodi of the Goddess, also (xv. iii. 15) in the worship by the Persian settlers of Omanus at Zela in Cappadocia. So, too, the statue of Hadad in Assyria is shown borne by his priests on a representation from Nineveh (Layard, Nineveh, ii., 1849, pl. f. p. 451); and Macrobius (Sat. i. 17) tells us that the image of the analogous god of Heliopolis (cf. n. 26, p. 70) was carried about in a similar manner on a bier. 77:49 Incidentally it is noteworthy that the group of emblems which distinguishes the king-priest at Boghaz-Keui (L. H., pls. lxviii., lxxi.) is enclosed by columns which separate the celestial emblem, the winged disc, from the terrestrial, the boot. (Cf. Hom., Odyssey, i. 52.) 78:50 The ox and lion have been already noticed as sacred to the Hittite chief god and goddess, with whom they arc associated in religious art. (Cf. L. H., pls. xliv., lxv.) The eagle appears (a) at Boghaz-Keui and at Eyuk as a double eagle identified with twin goddesses (L. H., pl. lxv. p. 79 and p. 269); and (b) in the gigantic carving near Yamoola (L. H., pl. xlix.), where it is triumphing, it would seem, over lions. An inscription of Boghaz-Keui refers to a "house" or "temple of the eagle" (Jour. R. A. S., 1909, p. 971). This bird would naturally seem to be an appropriate emblem of Zeus-Hadad, but there is nothing to substantiate this probability. The horse appears on Hittite sculptures only in an ordinary capacity; but in Anatolia in general developed sacred attributes. (Cf. Ramsay, "Relig. of Asia Minor," in Hastings' Dict. Bibl., extra vol., p. 115 b.)

79:51 The cap and "toga" of the priesthood on the Hittite sculptures distinguish them always from the deities and the people who are familiarly represented as wearing the tall conical hat, e.g., the chief priests of Boghaz-Keui (L. H., pls. lxviii., lxxi.), the king-priest at Eyuk (ibid., pl. lxxii.), and at Sakje Geuzi, in Syria (pl. lxxxi.). On the election of the High Priest by the local worshippers compare the similar custom in vogue at the temple of Hadad and Atargatis at Delos (Bull. Corr. Hell., 1882, p. 486). 79:52 Cf. the sculptures of Eyuk (L. H., pl. lxxiii.), where three musicians are represented, with trumpet, bag-pipe and guitar. A lyre is figured in a sculpture from Marash (Humann and Puckstein, Reisen—Atlas, pl. xlvii. No. 2), and a guitar-player in the mural decorations of Senjerli (Ausgrab. III., pl. xxxviii.). 79:53 Cf. the accounts of Strabo concerning the temples at p. 80 Comana of Cappadocia (bk. xii. ii. 3), where he states that it contained great multitudes of worshippers and temple servants, of the latter at the time he was there at least 6,000. So, too, at Venasa, in the "temple of Zeus" (Strabo, xii. ii. 6). Cf. the sculptures of Eyuk (L. H., pl. lxxii.), where a number of priest-servants are represented in different avocations. On the rock-walls of the sanctuary near Boghaz-Keui numerous women as well as men are represented in the train of the male and female goddesses respectively; and in the small shrine of the youthful god which adjoins it there is a further group of men who, like those without, seem to be taking part in a ceremonial dance in rapid movement, with their sickles held aloft (L. H., pl. lxix. and pp. 220, 227).

80:54 Notwithstanding the differences of ritual, the association of "Zeus" and "Hera" together in this paragraph is again significant of the original dual character of the cult. 80:55 The sacred lake is still conspicuous. Cf. Maundrell, op. cit. p. 154: "On the west side is a deep pit, of about 100 yards diameter; it . . . seemed to have had great buildings all round it, with the pillars and ruins of which it is now almost filled up, . . . but . . . there was still water in it." Chesney, Exped. Euphrat. i. 516: "a rocky hollow." Hogarth (Jour. Hell. Stud. xiv. p. 187) describes also "the scanty remains of a stepped quay wall or revetment, with water stairs at intervals." The Hittite river-gods are invoked in witness of their treaty with Egypt (c. 1271 B.C.). Cf. also Ramsay, Luke the Physician, pp. 171 et seq.; Pauline and other Studies, pp. 172, 173. On the general question of sacred waters in Syria, see Robertson-Smith, op. cit. pp. 170-172; Frazer, op. cit. pp. 22-23. 81:56 See also § 14, n. 28. No local tradition of this seems to survive, but Xenophon (Anabasis, I. iv. 9) records a parallel case of "tame fish looked upon as gods" in the Chalus, near Aleppo. Modern instances near Doliche, just north of Aintab, and elsewhere in Syria, are described by Cumont (Oriental Relig., p. 245, note 36) and Hogarth (op. cit., p. 188). So also near the mosque of Edessa (Sachau, Reise, p. 196); and in Asia Minor, at Tavshanli, on the Rhyndacus, sacred fish are still preserved in a large cistern (Cumont, loc. cit., ap. Munro).

Atargatis, according to the form of the legend given by the scholiast on Germanicus' "Aratus" was born of an egg which the sacred fishes found in the Euphrates and pushed ashore. On the general subject, see Robertson-Smith, op. cit. p. 292, also pp. 174-175 and 219. 81:57 Cf. the legend that Hera bathed in the Chaboras, a p. 82 Mesopotamian tributary of the Euphrates, after her marriage with Zeus (Ælian, Nat. Animalium, xii. 30). The further reference to fishes implies their sanctity to the goddess, and to this extent reveals Atargatis as a fish-goddess (see note 25). This is, however, clearly not her chief character at Hierapolis. 82:58 On the local use of the word "sea," meaning thereby the Euphrates, see note 23. On the further subject of the narrative, cf. §§ 13, 36. It is of interest to notice that Pliny (Nat. Hist. xxxi. 37) describes a method of filtering sea water into empty sealed vessels. 82:59 Ἀλεκτρυὼν ἱπός. The narrative is unintelligible unless we suppose that the words by allusion or textual change signify some special priestly office. Thus Blunt (Works of Lucian, London: Briscoe, 1711, p. 267) translates "a sacred cock, or priest, called Alectryo." Is it possible that the word in this sense was in common vogue, on the analogy of the Latin Gallus, a cock? (Cf. an inscription on an urn in the Lateran Museum at Rome, cited by Frazer, op. cit. p. 233, on which the cock is used as p. 83 emblem of the Attis-priest, with a punning reference to the word.) Belin de Ballu, in his translation (Paris, 1789), v. 178, following Paulmier de Grentruéuil, unhesitatingly substitutes Γάλλος, and translates accordingly.

83:60 In this festival of the Pyre at Heliopolis one or two details may profitably be noticed. The "tall trees" suggest the pine, sacred to Attis. (Cf., inter alia, Farnell, Cults, p. 645, and Frazer, op. cit., p. 222.) It is possible that in the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui the objects on which the high priest stands (L. H., pl. lxviii.) are indeed fir-cones. Goats and sheep we have seen led to sacrifice at Eyuk; the former animal is frequently represented in association with the Hittite chief god, and was no doubt sacred to him. "Cattle" indicate the bull, the emblem of the great god, and the cow with which his consort might be reciprocally identified. Cf. Pausanias (XI., iii. 7), where the bull and cow are seen to be sacred to Zeus and Hera respectively; and compare especially the details of the Dædala with this holocaust. The hanging of garments or shreds of them on trees near sacred places, or trees themselves, is a common practice in the East and in Egypt to-day. (Cf. also Rob.-Smith, op. cit., p. 335.) p. 84 In the last words of the paragraph it is significant that no special mention is made of a goddess in connection with this rite. 84:61 Cf. the rites surviving in the worship of Kybele and Attis in Rome. For a description and bibliog., see Cumont, op. cit., ch. iii., Asia Minor, p. 46 ff., and Frazer, op. cit., p. 233. 84:62 On this custom, which is specially characteristic of the worship of the goddess, see, inter alia, Frazer, op. cit., p. 224; Farnell, Greece and Babylon, pp. 256, 257; also our Introduction, p. 3, n. 10

84:62 On this custom, which is specially characteristic of the worship of the goddess, see, inter alia, Frazer, op. cit., p. 224; Farnell, Greece and Babylon, pp. 256, 257; also our Introduction, p. 3, n. 10 85:63 Cf. § 15, above, n. 7. On the general aspect of this custom, see, especially, Frazer, op. cit., Appendix iv. p. 428. 85:64 No actual act of sacrifice is represented in Hittite art, though at Eyuk and Malâtia goats and rams are seen led to the altar of the god. The general subject of burnt sacrifice and holocausts among the Semites is discussed fully by Rob.-Smith, op. cit., x. xi., and numerous special rites of extreme interest are described by Frazer, op. cit. On the sacred animals of Asia Minor, see also Ramsay, Relig. of Asia Minor, op. cit., pp. 114, etc. 85:65 On the sanctity and abhorrence of the pig, see especially, Ramsay, op. cit. p. 115 b, and Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 32, where he points out that the Halys River divided these two points of view. See also Robertson-Smith, op. cit. pp. 153, 392, n., 448; and the discussion of his theory of p. 86 Adonis as a swine-god by Farnell, Cults, p. 645. For the swine in connection with the Cult of Set in Egypt, cf. Newberry, in Klio, xii. (1912), p. 397 ff. 86:66 Cf. also § 16. This statement is confirmed by Xenophon, Anabasis, I. iv. 9. According to Ælian (Nat. Ann. iv. 2), the dove was an especially sacred companion to Astarte, and this is borne out by archaic clay figurines of the goddess from Phœnicia, Asia Minor, Rhodes, Delos, Athens and Etruria. These are ascribed to "Aphrodite" by Fürtwangler (Roscher's Lexikon f. Griech. u. Röm. Mythologie, p. 410, q.v.); but are indistinguishable as to character and provenance from the original deity. (Cf. also Ed. Meyer, in the same, art. Astarte.) In Babylonian and Assyrian art and mythology the bird does not seem to appear in the same inseparable association with Ishtar, though we have the suggestive passage: "Like a lonely dove, I rest" (Pinches, op. cit., col. iii. ll. 1, 2). On this point Mr. L. W. King writes: "In the earlier periods there is no evidence that a bird was associated with Ishtar, and I have little doubt that the association was a comparatively late addition to her cult. Of course the myth of the Allatu bird is early, but can hardly be connected with the symbolic or votive bird under her Phœnician form" (Letter dated Sept. 7, 1912). Diodorus relates how the child Semiramis was fed by doves, and how eventually she took flight to heaven in the appearance of this bird.

In Hittite art of Asia Minor, however, the bird appears in association with the enshrined Goddess-mother, at Yarre (Jour. Hell. Stud. xix. fig. 4), at Fraktin (Fig. 7), and in two carvings from Marash (L. H., pp. 119, 151, 164). In glyptic art the evidence of association is confirmatory (see Hayes Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, pp. 293, etc., especially Nos. 898, 904, 908, 943). With the naked goddess, who may be of Syrian origins (ibid. p. 162), and is found represented on a sculpture of Carchemish p. 87 (L. H., p. 128), but not elsewhere on Hittite monuments, the bird appears only sporadically. Among the Semites the pigeon was peculiarly sacred (Robertson-Smith, op. cit. p. 294), and sacrificed only on special occasions (ibid. p. 219; cf. also Leviticus xix. 4, 49 Numbers, vi. 10). The sacred character of the bird does not seem to survive in any form. 87:67 Cf. § 60. 87:68 Cf. especially Rob.-Smith, op. cit. p. 477 ff. 88:69 The libation is a feature of Hittite worship represented on several sculptures, e.g., at Fraktin and at Malâtia (see Fig. 1, p. 5). At the latter place live animals (rams) are shown in the sculpture (L. H., pl. xliv.) behind the priest, being led by an attendant. This is not shown in our illustration, in which also the Hittite hieroglyphics are omitted from the field for the sake of clearness. These sculptures have been lately removed, it is reported, to Constantinople.

88:70 The special character of this sacrifice is strongly suggestive of a totemistic influence. On the general aspect of human sacrifice among the Semites, cf. Rob.-Smith, op. cit., pp. 371, 464. On human sacrifice in the Cult of Dionysus, cf. Frazer, op. cit., p. 332. Children were sacrificed to Moloch, who was identified with Cronos, an original deity of vegetation (cf. Farnell, Culls, p. 28, n.). Attempts have been made (cf. Dussaud, Rev. Arch., loc. cit., ap. Movers; Six, Rev. Num., loc. cit.) to identify the god of Hierapolis with Cronos. While we cannot accept the theory, this field of enquiry is attractive; and the suggested identity might arise in myth by grouping the god as father of the goddess's son in a natural triad. 89:71 Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist., vi. 4, and xxii. 2. On this subject, cf. Rob.-Smith, op. cit., p. 334, note 1. In the Sudan, according to Bruce, some of the tribes tattooed their stomachs, sides and backs, as with fish-scales. Professor Strong reminds us that there have been found a number of bodies of Nubians of the time of the Middle Empire (c. 2000 B.C.) with definite tattooing; and the patterns pricked upon the skin of these desiccated bodies were identical with those painted on the dolls buried with them. Cf. Dr. Elliot Smith, The Ancient Egyptians, p. 56. 89:72 See also § 55, where a first act of the pilgrim is to shave his head; and § 6, where it appears that at Byblos the female locks could be sacrificed as an alternative to offering their own persons. At Trœzene, according to Pausanias (xxxii.), the custom was to sacrifice the hair before marriage. In Catullus, Ode lxvi., Berenice dedicates her hair to Venus. On the general question, see Robertson-Smith, op. cit., p. 329.