Chapter V. The State

In two other sayings, are presented different phases of this view: "When rulers love to observe the rules of propriety, the people respond readily to the calls upon them for service." (Analects, bk. xiv., c. xliv.) "The superior man does not p. 213 use rewards, yet the people are stimulated to virtue. He does not show wrath, yet the people are more awed than by hatchets and battle-axes." (Doctrine of the Mean, c. xxxiii., v. 4.) Mencius also says: "When one subdues men by force, they do not submit to him in heart but because not strong enough to resist. When one subdues men by virtue, they are pleased to the heart's core and sincerely submit." (Bk. ii., pt. i., c. iii., v. 2.) In the "Li Ki" the consequences upon the ruler and his government, of qualities opposite to these, are indicated by this significant question: "If his heart be not observant of righteousness, self-consecration, good faith, sincerity, and guilelessness, though a ruler may try to knit the people firmly to him, will not all bonds between them be dissolved?" (Bk. ii., sect. ii., pt. iii., 11.) This picture is given by Confucius in the "Analects," of a worthy and successful ruler: "By his generosity, he won all. By his sincerity, he made the people repose trust in him. By his earnest activity, his achievements were great. By his justice, all were delighted." (Bk. xx., c. i., v. 9.) I Yin, as quoted in the "Shu King," thus eloquently descants upon the earnest aspirations of another ruler: "The former king, before it was light, sought to have large and clear views and then sat waiting for the dawn to put them into practice." (Pt. iv., bk. v., 2.)

I Yin, as quoted in the "Shu King," thus eloquently descants upon the earnest aspirations of another ruler: "The former king, before it was light, sought to have large and clear views and then sat waiting for the dawn to put them into practice." (Pt. iv., bk. v., 2.) The Duke of Chin, according to the same book, p. 214 thus defined the qualities that characterize the great minister: "Let me have but one resolute minister, plain and sincere, without other ability but having a straightforward mind, and possessed of generosity, regarding the talents of others as if he possessed them himself, and when he finds accomplished and sage men, loving them in his heart more than his mouth expresses, really showing himself able to bear them; such a minister would be able to preserve my descendants and people and would indeed be a giver of benefits." (Pt. v., bk. xxx.) Confucius himself, replying to the question of a disciple, gives an estimate of the most desirable qualifications for an officer of lower rank. It runs: “Tsze-kung asked, ‘What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called an officer?’ The Master said, ‘He who in his own conduct maintains a sense of shame and when sent to any quarter, will not disgrace his prince's commission, deserves to be called an officer.’ “Tsze-kung went on, ‘I venture to ask who may be placed in the next lower rank,’ and was told, 'He whom the circle of his relatives pronounces filial, whom his fellow-villagers and neighbours pronounce fraternal.’

“Tsze-kung went on, ‘I venture to ask who may be placed in the next lower rank,’ and was told, 'He whom the circle of his relatives pronounces filial, whom his fellow-villagers and neighbours pronounce fraternal.’ “He asked once more, ‘I venture to ask about the class next in order.’ The Master said, ‘They who are determined to be sincere in what they say and to carry out what they do. They are p. 215 obstinate little men. Yet perhaps they make the next class.’” (Analects, bk. xiii., c. xx., v. 1, 2, 3.) Some of the qualities which are most valuable in a public officer Confucius named in commending a contemporary thus: "The Master said of Tsze-ch‘an that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man: 'In his own conduct, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; in providing for the people's support, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just.'" (Analects, bk. v., c. xv.) The following conversation drew from Confucius a distinct statement of what quality in a ruler is most essential, i.e., humility and a deep sense of responsibility, and what quality is most destructive, 1. e., a dictatorial, wrong-headed obstinacy, which brooks no advice, remonstrance, or opposition: “The Duke Ting asked whether there was a single sentence which could make a country prosperous. Confucius replied: “‘Such an effect cannot be expected from one sentence. There is a saying, however, which people have: To be a prince is difficult, to be a minister not easy. If a ruler know this, how difficult it is to be a prince, may there not be expected from this one sentence, that the country be made prosperous?’

“‘Such an effect cannot be expected from one sentence. There is a saying, however, which people have: To be a prince is difficult, to be a minister not easy. If a ruler know this, how difficult it is to be a prince, may there not be expected from this one sentence, that the country be made prosperous?’ “The duke then asked, ‘Is there a single sentence which can ruin a country?’ Confucius replied: “‘Such an effect cannot be expected from one p. 216 sentence. There is a saying, however, which people have: I have no pleasure in being prince, except that no one offers opposition to what I say. If a ruler's words be good, is it not also good that no one oppose them? But if not good and no one opposes them, may there not be expected from this one sentence the ruin of the country?’” (Analects, bk. xiii., c. xv.) That to die surrounded by the splendours of absolute sway does not assure, in the face of every evidence of misrule, that one has been successful, Confucius illustrates by this reference to Chinese history: "The Duke King of Ts‘e had a thousand chariots, each drawn by four horses; but on the day of his death the people did not honour him for a single virtue. P‘ih-e and Shu-ts‘e died of hunger at the foot of the Show-yang mountain, and yet the people honour them to this day." (Analects, bk. xvi., c. xii., v. 1.) And this glowing and inviting prospect he discloses for the ruler of men who bases his claim upon propriety, righteousness, and good faith: "If a superior love propriety, the people will not dare not to be reverent. If he love righteousness, the people will not dare not to conform to his desires. If he love good faith, the people will not dare not to be sincere. When these things obtain, the people from all quarters will come to him, bearing their children on their backs." (Analects, bk. xiii., c. iv., v. 3.)

Power of Official Example. "The ruler must p. 217 first himself be possessed of the qualities which he requires of the people; and must be free from the qualities which he requires the people to abjure." (Great Learning, c. ix., v. 4.) Thus Confucius emphasizes the most modern principle of "noblesse oblige"; nor does he leave it doubtful that what he means is that "example speaks louder than words," especially when he whose conduct is in question stands forth in all men's sight their chief and leader, for he is quoted by Mencius as saying: "What the superior man loves, his inferiors will be found to love exceedingly. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend when the wind blows upon it." (Mencius, bk. iii., pt. i., c. ii., v. 4.) In the "Li Ki" appears the following concerning the influence of the example set by the ruler; "The Master said, 'Inferiors, in serving those over them, do not follow what they command, but what they do. When a ruler loves a given thing, his subjects will do so, more than he. Therefore he who is in authority should be careful about what he likes and what he dislikes; for these will be examples in the eyes of the people.' (Li Ki, bk. xxx., 4.) In the following, also from the "Li Ki," he connects it with the most powerful sanction for ethical conduct known to the Chinese, i.e., filial piety: "When a man who is over others transgresses in his words, the people will fashion their speech

In the following, also from the "Li Ki," he connects it with the most powerful sanction for ethical conduct known to the Chinese, i.e., filial piety: "When a man who is over others transgresses in his words, the people will fashion their speech p. 218 accordingly; when he transgresses in his conduct, the people will imitate him as their model. If in his words he does not go beyond what should be said, nor in his acts beyond what should be done, then the people, without direction so to do, will revere and honour him. When this is so, he has respected himself; and having respected himself, he will have honoured his parents to the utmost." (Bk. xxiv., 13.) "The Great Learning" thus derives both the safety and the peril of the state, in this regard, from the observation of filial and fraternal obligations within the family: "From the love within one family, the entire state may be made loving; from its courtesies, the entire state be made courteous; while from the ambition and perverseness of one man, the entire state may be led into rebellion; such is the power of example." (C. ix., v. 3.) In the same book it is put thus: "In the Book of Poetry it is said: 'In his deportment there is nothing wrong; he rectifies all the people of the state.' When the ruler, as a father, a son, and a brother, is exemplary, the people will imitate him." (C. ix., v. 8.) In the "Analects," Confucius has repeatedly announced this truth, as in these words: "When a prince's personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. When his personal conduct is not correct, he map issue orders but they will not be obeyed." (Bk. xiii., c. vi.)

In the "Analects," Confucius has repeatedly announced this truth, as in these words: "When a prince's personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. When his personal conduct is not correct, he map issue orders but they will not be obeyed." (Bk. xiii., c. vi.) p. 219 One reason that so much greater potency inheres in what he who presides over the destiny of a people does, than in what he says or even commands, Confucius assigns in this saying: "The people may be made to follow a course of action, but they may not be made to understand it." (Analects, bk. viii., c. ix.) And Confucius accentuates the lesson in this: "Though a man have abilities as admirable as those of the duke of Chow, yet if he be proud and niggardly, those other things are really not worth being looked at." (Analects, bk. viii., c. xi.) Yet not too much, nor that too soon, must be expected even of the most brilliant and efficacious righteousness of the man in command, when for a long time disorder and demoralization have prevailed. In the "Analects" Confucius says of this: "If a truly royal ruler were to arrive, it would require a generation and then virtue would prevail." (Bk. xiii., c. xii.) Yet he urged that the ruler rely upon the purity of his desire, his example, and persuasion of the people to love and practise what is good, rather than upon proscription and penalties; and he says: "If the people be led by laws and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment but have no sense of guilt. If they be led by virtue and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of guilt and moreover will become good." (Analects, bk. ii., c. iii.)

p. 220 Again he inquires, most significantly: "In carrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your desires be for what is good, and the people will be good." (Analects, bk. xii., c. xix.) And in a like spirit he rebukes a prince who complained to him, thus: "Ke K‘ang Tze, distressed about the prevalence of thieves, inquired of Confucius how to suppress them. Confucius replied: 'If you yourself were not covetous, they would not steal, though you should offer a reward for stealing.'" (Analects, bk. xii., c. xviii.) His disciple, Tsang Tze, thus imposes upon every man who occupies high station the obligation to guard his demeanour, deportment, speech, and conduct to the end that none of those who look up to him shall be corrupted thereby: "There are three principles of conduct which the man of high rank should consider specially important: that in his deportment and manner he keep from violence and heedlessness; that in regulating his countenance he keep near to sincerity; and that in word and tone he keep far from lowness and impropriety." (Analects, bk. viii., c. iv., v. 3.) Upon the chief ruler of China, the leader and exemplar for all the people, this responsibility is so made to rest that, were it fully realized in actual government, every emperor would present the touching and edifying picture of an Abraham Lincoln, bending beneath the heavy burdens of the people whom he so loved and so served with

Upon the chief ruler of China, the leader and exemplar for all the people, this responsibility is so made to rest that, were it fully realized in actual government, every emperor would present the touching and edifying picture of an Abraham Lincoln, bending beneath the heavy burdens of the people whom he so loved and so served with p. 221 conscientious reverence. For these words the sage puts into the prayer of him whom imperial sway makes the servant of all his people: "If, in my own person, I commit offences, they are not to be attributed to you, ye people of the myriad regions. If ye in the myriad regions commit offences, the guilt must rest upon my head." (Analects, bk. xx., c. i., v. 3.) Universal Education. "When the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men; when the man of low station is well instructed, he is easily ruled." (Analects, bk. xvii., c. iv., v. 3.) Thus Confucius sets forth the necessity for general education of all classes of the people and the benefits in respect of government which flow from it. In another place, he says, even more significantly, of the levelling power of education: "There being instruction, there will be no distinction of classes." (Analects, bk. xv., c. xxxviii.) This levelling extended also to those of the highest rank and beyond school-days into official life, determining the fitness and title to public office. Thus the "Hsun Tse" (bk. ix.) says of this: "Even among the sons of the emperor, the princes, and the great officials, if they were not qualified to rites and justice, they should be put down to the class of common people; even among the sons of the common people, if they have good education and character and are qualified to rites and justice, they should be elevated to the class of minister. and nobles."

p. 222 According to the "Li Ching," the education of the child commences with its conception, and accordingly explicit instructions are given to secure proper prenatal influences and ward off evil influences. The instructions are as to physical, mental, and moral conduct of the mother during gestation, with the direct object of producing a strong, intelligent, and moral human being. The value and potency of education are set forth in the same work (bk. xlviii.) as follows: "When a child is trained completely, his education is just as strong as his nature; and when he practises anything constantly, he will do it naturally as a permanent habit." Mencius made the following sage and practical remark concerning another aspect of the relation of education to government: "Good government is feared by the people, while good instruction is loved by them. Good government gets the people's wealth, while good instruction wins their hearts." (Bk. vii., pt. i., c. xiv., v. 3.) In this, of course the expression "good government" means much the same as in modern politics, i.e., "business men's government," bent upon securing order and economy only, but often utterly disregarding the desires and even the essential well-being of the lowly and oppressed. Real "good government" necessarily includes instruction; and that Mencius fully understood this, the following penetrating remark from his book fully substantiates: "Men possess a moral nature; but

p. 223 if they are well fed, warmly clad, and comfortably lodged, without at the same time being instructed, they become like unto beasts." (Bk. iii., pt. i., c. iv., v. 8.) This principle, that education is the great and constant need of all minds and most especially of the mind of him who would lead others, Mencius also applied remorselessly to the princes of his day, as a paramount duty resting upon them, in this passage: "Now, throughout the empire, the jurisdictions of the princes are of equal extent and none excels his fellows in achievement. Not one is able to go beyond the others. This is from no other reason than that they love to make ministers of those whom they teach rather than to make ministers of those by whom they might themselves be taught." (Bk. ii., pt. ii., c. ii., v. 9.) And to the burden of this responsibility, i.e., at all times to be earnestly and humbly seeking instruction themselves, he thus added the duty of providing for the education of the people, coupled with the promise of such fulfilment of ambitions as naturally flows from excellence in the performance of obligations already assumed: "Let careful attention be paid to education in schools, inculcating in it especially the filial and fraternal duties, and grey-haired men will not be seen upon the roads, bearing burdens on their backs or on their heads. It never has been that the ruler of a state where such results were seen, persons of seventy wearing silks and eating flesh

p. 224 and the black-haired people suffering neither from hunger nor cold—did not attain to the Imperial dignity." (Mencius, bk. i., pt. i., c. iii., v. 4.) That these were not intended as mere platitudes is shown, not merely by the result that in China for thousands of years education has been the test, on a strictly competitive basis, without regard to wealth, social position, and influence of forbears, by which political preferment has been determined; but also by the strictly practical statements concerning popular instruction, such as this from the "Li Ki": "If he wish to transform the people and to perfect their manners and customs, must he not start with the lessons of the school?" (Bk. xvi., 1.) The established public means of education are thus described in the same book: "According to the system of ancient teaching, for the families of a hamlet (25) there was the village school; for a neighbourhood (500 families) there was the academy; for a larger district (2500 families), the college; and in the capitals, a university." (Bk. xvi., 4.) That there may be no question that the competitive examination was already the essential for political appointment or advancement, this is also quoted from the "Li Ki": "Every year some entered the college and every second year there was a competitive examination." (Bk. xvi., 5.) The accepted and approved purpose of instruction, as laid down in the "Li Ki," is also most

The accepted and approved purpose of instruction, as laid down in the "Li Ki," is also most p. 225 progressive and may to advantage, perhaps, be contrasted with the insistence, now happily subsiding, in Occidental nations that "the three R's," i.e., reading, writing, and arithmetic, if indeed so much as that, are quite sufficient and all that, or more than, the government should concern itself to secure for the people. This passage illustrates the view in China, even before Confucius came to instruct his people for all time: "Teaching should be directed to develop that in which the pupil excels, and correct the defects to which he is prone." (Li Ki, bk. xvi., 14.) Modern courses in psychology for the instruction of teachers were anticipated also in the olden times, centuries before the Christian era; and the whole matter had been clearly and discriminatingly put, as in this from the "Li Ki": "Among pupils there are four defects with which the teacher must make himself acquainted. Some err by assuming too many branches of study; some, too few; some in over-facility; some, in want of persistence. These four defects arise from the differences of their minds. When the teacher understands the character of his pupil's mind, he can rescue him from the fault to which he is prone." (Bk. xvi., 14.) It is also said upon this interesting topic: "When a man of talents and virtue understands the stupidity of one pupil and the precocity of another in the attainment of knowledge and also comprehends the good and bad qualities of his

It is also said upon this interesting topic: "When a man of talents and virtue understands the stupidity of one pupil and the precocity of another in the attainment of knowledge and also comprehends the good and bad qualities of his p. 226 pupils, he can vary his methods of teaching accordingly. When he can vary his methods of teaching, he is indeed a master. When so fitted to be a teacher, he is qualified for administrative office; and when so qualified for administrative office, he is even fitted to be chosen as ruler of the state. Therefore is it that from a teacher one learns how to be a ruler; and therefore that in the choice of a teacher the greatest care should be exercised. As it is said in the History: 'The three kings and the four dynasties were what they were, by reason of their teachers.'" (Li Ki, bk. xvi., 16.) This also, from the same source, bears upon the psychology of the problem of teaching and also shows that the true meaning of "to educate" was already apprehended: "When a superior man knows the causes which make instruction successful and those which make it of no effect, he can become a teacher of others. Thus, in his teaching, he draws out and does not merely carry along; he encourages and does not discourage; he opens up the subject but does not exhaust it, leaving the student nothing to do. Drawing out and not merely dragging along produces concert of effort. Encouraging and not restraining makes it easy to go forward. Opening up the subject and not exhausting it forces the student himself to think. He who brings about this concert of action, this ready advancement, and this independent initiative of thought may be pronounced a skilful teacher." (Bk. xvi., 13.)

p. 227 Confucius, in the "Analects," twice gives expression to the same fundamental principle: "With one like Tsze, I can commence talking about the Odes. I told him one point and he knew its proper sequence." (Bk. vii., c. viii.) "I do not open up the truth to one who is not eager for knowledge, nor help out any one who is not himself anxious to explore causes. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one and he cannot learn from it the other three, I do not repeat my lesson." (Bk. xii., c. viii.) In its entirety this was a course necessary for Confucius with his great work to do, but scarcely practicable for all teachers for the reason that all must be instructed, whether bright or dull, whether studious or indolent; the sage's impatience with sluggishness and dulness, the ordinary teacher could not imitate, except by utterly destroying his usefulness. In consequence, therefore, the sage nowhere recommends such procedure to teachers, whether of the young or of the mature. In the "Li Ki," the correct view of this aspect of teaching is thus set forth with considerable fulness: "The skilful student, though his teacher seems indifferent, yet attains double as much as another and in the sequel ascribes the credit to his teacher. The unskilful, though his teacher be diligent with him, makes but half the progress and in the sequel blames his teacher. The skilful inquirer is like a workman addressing himself to deal with a hard log: first he attacks the easy parts

p. 228 and then the knotty. After applying himself a good while, he talks with his teacher and all is plain. The unskilful does the contrary." (Bk. xvi., 18.) The popular impression among Occidental peoples—so far as they have any impression—concerning the instruction of Chinese children is well illustrated by what the "Li Ki" condemns in this passage: "Under the system of instruction now in use the teachers hum over the tablets which they have before them and ask many questions. They then speak of their pupils making rapid progress but pay no attention to whether they retain what they have been taught. They are not earnest in imposing burdens upon their pupils nor do they put forth all their power to instruct them. The habits they thus cause the pupils to form are not good and the students are disappointed about attaining what they seek. Accordingly, they find their studies onerous and despise their teachers; they are embittered by the difficulties they encounter and realize but poor results of their toil. They may appear to do their work but they quickly lose what they acquire. That there are no stable results of their instruction, is it not due to these defects in their teacher?" (Bk. xvi., 10.) That the good teacher is to be regarded as an important member of the community and must be treated with respect and veneration, in order that he may best perform his useful function, is

That the good teacher is to be regarded as an important member of the community and must be treated with respect and veneration, in order that he may best perform his useful function, is p. 229 inculcated also in the "Li Ki" in these terms: "In providing a system of education, one trouble is to secure proper respect for the teacher; when such is assured, what he teaches will also be regarded with respect; when that is done, the people will know how to respect learning. Therefore is it that there are two of his subjects whom the ruler does not treat as such: him who is personating his ancestor at the sacrifice, he does not so treat, nor yet his own teacher." (Bk. xvi., 17.) The same book names the following as the objects to be sought in education: "In all learning, for him who would be an officer, the first thing is the knowledge of business; for scholars, the first thing is the directing of the mind." (Bk. xvi., 6.) And it thus urges the desirability of class-work, as affording abundant opportunity for companionship, a just estimate of one's acquirements and true culture: "To study alone and without friends makes one feel solitary, uncultivated, and but little informed." (Bk. xvi., 12.) In the same book, this brief description of the method of Confucius is to be found: "The Master taught them by means of current events; and made them understand what was virtuous." (Bk. vi., sect. i., 17.)

In the same book, this brief description of the method of Confucius is to be found: "The Master taught them by means of current events; and made them understand what was virtuous." (Bk. vi., sect. i., 17.) The following are a few of the passages in the "Analects," some of which have already been quoted in other connections, that shed light upon the methods of teaching followed by Confucius and the subjects which he taught: p. 230 "The subjects on which the Master did not talk were extraordinary things, feats of strength, disorder, and spiritual beings." (Bk. vii., c. xx.) "There are four things which the Master taught: letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness." (Bk. vii., c. xxiv.) "The Master said, 'Hwuy gives me no assistance. There is nothing that I say in which he does not delight.'" (Bk. xi., c. iii.) "The Master said, To those whose talents are above mediocrity the highest subjects may be announced. To those who are below mediocrity the highest subjects may not be announced.' (Bk. vi., c. xvii.) "There was Yen Hwuy; he loved to learn. He did not transfer his anger; he did not repeat a fault." (Bk. vi., c. ii.) "I have talked with Hwuy for a whole day and he has not made any objection—quite as if he were stupid. He has retired and I have examined his conduct while out of my sight and found him able to illustrate my teaching. Hwuy? He is not stupid." (Bk. ii., c. ix.)

"I have talked with Hwuy for a whole day and he has not made any objection—quite as if he were stupid. He has retired and I have examined his conduct while out of my sight and found him able to illustrate my teaching. Hwuy? He is not stupid." (Bk. ii., c. ix.) "The Master said to Tsze-Kung, 'Which do you consider superior, yourself or Hwuy?' Tsze-Kung replied, 'How dare I compare myself with Hwuy? Hwuy hears one point and understands the whole subject; I hear one point and understand the next.' The Master said, 'You are not equal to him. I grant you, you are not equal to him.' (Bk. v., c. viii.) p. 231 "The Master's frequent themes of discourse were the Odes, the History, and the observance of the rules of propriety. On all these he frequently discoursed." (Bk. vii., c. xvii.) The importance and indeed the necessity of popular education Confucius often dwelt upon, placing it next after mere physical sustenance for the people, as in this passage: “When the Master went to Wei, Yen Yew acted as driver of his carriage. “The Master observed, ‘How numerous are the people!’ “Yew said, ‘Since they are thus numerous, what more shall be done for them?’ ‘Make them prosperous’ was the reply. “‘And when they are prosperous, what then shall be done?' The Master said, Instruct them.’” (Analects, bk. xiii., c. ix.) Law and Order. "The Duke King, of Ts‘e, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, 'It is when the prince is prince, the minister is minister, the father is father, the son is son.'" (Analects, bk. xii., c. xi.)

Law and Order. "The Duke King, of Ts‘e, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, 'It is when the prince is prince, the minister is minister, the father is father, the son is son.'" (Analects, bk. xii., c. xi.) Thus Confucius in the "Analects" enjoins the necessity for order in the state. Both the things requisite for the maintenance of good order and the conditions that lead to disorder, he thus describes in another place: "When good government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the emperor. When bad government prevails in p. 232 the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive expeditions proceed from the princes. When they proceed from the princes, as a rule the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in ten generations. When they proceed from the great officers of the princes, as a rule the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in five generations. When the subsidiary ministers of the great officers hold in their grasp the orders of the kingdom, as a rule the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in three generations." (Analects, bk. xvi., c. ii., v. 1.) The peril to the state within which, in the words of the English poet, "wealth accumulates and men decay" was vividly present in the sage's mind, as this saying from the "Li Ki" abundantly witnesses: "The Master said, 'Under heaven the cases are few in which the poor have enjoyment, the rich love the rules of propriety, and families that are powerful remain quiet and orderly.'" (Bk. xxvii., c. iii.)

In the "Shu King," the following declaration of King Khang is to be found: "Families which have for generations enjoyed places of emolument seldom observe the rules of propriety." (Pt. v., bk. xxiv., 3.) And, also in the "Shu King," the Duke of Kau is represented as saying of the evil effects sometimes witnessed, when even a moderate amount of unearned wealth passes to untutored youth: "I have observed among the lower people that, p. 233 where the parents have diligently laboured in sowing and reaping, their sons often do not understand this painful toil, but abandon themselves to ease and to village slang and become quite disorderly." (Pt. v., bk. xv., 1.) King Wu, however, one of the almost mythical monarchs and heroes of the earlier period of Chinese history, yet more powerfully portrays in the same book the depths to which disorder and demoralization may descend: "All who themselves commit crimes, robbing, stealing, practising villainy and treachery, and who kill men or violently assault them to take their property, being reckless and defiant of death—these are abhorred by all." (Pt. v., bk. ix., 3.) The course of one who restored order in the kingdom was thus warmly commended by Confucius in the "Analects": "He carefully attended to the weights and measures, examined the body of the laws, restored those who had been unjustly removed from office; and the good government of the empire took its course." (Bk. xx., c. i., v. 6.)

The course of one who restored order in the kingdom was thus warmly commended by Confucius in the "Analects": "He carefully attended to the weights and measures, examined the body of the laws, restored those who had been unjustly removed from office; and the good government of the empire took its course." (Bk. xx., c. i., v. 6.) The duty of care in the selection of administrative officers is particularly enjoined by him as in the following: "Employ first the services of your various officers, pardon small faults, and raise to office men of virtue and talents. Chung-kung said, 'How shall I know the men of virtue and talents, so that I may raise them to office?' He was answered, 'Raise to office those whom you p. 234 know. As to those whom you do not know, will others neglect them?'" (Analects, bk. xiii., c. ii., v. 2.) This is the sage's characterization of the course of a wise king in the selection and discharge of officers: "He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment." (Analects, bk. xviii., c. x.) Due consideration of whether one's friends and even, indeed especially, one's relatives may not be fit for office, is not discouraged but instead insisted upon in the same passage: "The Duke of Chow addressed his son, the Duke of Loo, saying, 'The virtuous prince does not neglect his relatives.'" (Analects, bk. xviii., c. x.)

Due consideration of whether one's friends and even, indeed especially, one's relatives may not be fit for office, is not discouraged but instead insisted upon in the same passage: "The Duke of Chow addressed his son, the Duke of Loo, saying, 'The virtuous prince does not neglect his relatives.'" (Analects, bk. xviii., c. x.) In favour of this course, he urges the following arguments: "When those who are in high stations perform well their duties to their relatives, the people are aroused to virtue. When old friends are not neglected by them, the people are preserved from meanness." (Analects, bk. viii., c. ii., v. 2.) The acceptance of office for "what there is in it" or otherwise than as a sacred trust, he thus denounces: "Heen asked what is shameful. The Master said, 'When good government prevails in a state, to be thinking only of one's salary; and when bad government prevails, to be thinking, p. 235 in the same way, only of one's salary. This is shameful.'" (Analects, bk. xiv., c. i.) In the "Li Ki," Confucius is quoted as saying that it is safer and better in every way to wait until a man's death to confer any special honour upon him, thus: "The Master said, 'When honours and rewards are first conferred upon the dead and afterward upon the living, people will not depart from the course of the honoured dead."' (Bk. xxvii., 10.) That both the ruler and his ministers are subject to and should be governed by the elemental principles of right and wrong, which are of universal obligation, he here affirms: "A prince should employ his ministers according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness." (Analects, bk. iii., c. xix.)

That both the ruler and his ministers are subject to and should be governed by the elemental principles of right and wrong, which are of universal obligation, he here affirms: "A prince should employ his ministers according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness." (Analects, bk. iii., c. xix.) In the "Li Ki," this caution to ministers and public officers is given: "Affairs of state should not be privately discussed." (Bk. i., sect. iii., pt. i.) In the "Shu King" are found these instructions, among others, for the judges of the criminal courts: "It is not persons with crafty tongues who should try criminal cases, but persons who are really good, whose judgments will exemplify the due mean. Watch carefully for discrepancies in statements; the view you intended not to adopt, you may find reason to adopt. With pity and reverence determine the issues; painstakingly consult the penal code; give ear to all respecting p. 236 the matter—to the end that your judgment may exemplify the due mean, whether in imposing a fine or another punishment, by careful investigation and the solution of every difficulty. When the trial has such an event, all will acknowledge that the judgment is just; and so likewise will the sovereign do, when the report reaches him." (Pt. v., bk. xxvii., 5.) The same book lays down this discriminating fundamental for the administration of justice, recognizing that criminality consists in intent: "You pardon inadvertent faults, however great; and punish purposed crimes, however small." (Pt. ii., bk. ii., 2.)

The same book lays down this discriminating fundamental for the administration of justice, recognizing that criminality consists in intent: "You pardon inadvertent faults, however great; and punish purposed crimes, however small." (Pt. ii., bk. ii., 2.) Another passage of this ancient book asserts in words ascribed to Kau-Yau, speaking to Shun, a maxim of criminal justice which many suppose to be peculiar to its administration in Anglo-Saxon countries: "Rather than put an innocent person to death, you will run the risk of irregularity and error." (Pt. ii., bk. ii., 2.) In the "Li Ki," the following passage describes the emoluments of public officers, indicating the use of "standards of value" much less subject to fluctuation than the precious metals: "The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal states received salary sufficient to feed nine individuals; those of the second grade, enough to feed eighteen; and those of the highest, enough for thirty-six. A great officer could feed 72 individuals, a minister 288, and the ruler 2880. In a state of the second p. 237 class, a minister could feed 216, and the ruler 2160. A minister of a small state could feed 44. individuals and the ruler 1440." (Bk. iii., sect. v., 24.) There were also restrictions in those days upon the military defence and equipment of states and cities, intended to keep down the spirit of domination and to avoid revolt. The "Li Ki" thus describes these laws: "Hence it was made the rule that no state should have more than 1000 chariots, no chief city's wall more than 100 embrasures, no family more than 100 chariots, however opulent. These regulations were intended for the protection of the people; yet some of the governors of states rebelled against them." (Bk. xxvii., 3.)

The foregoing are some of the more important of the things which Confucius and the ancients before him deemed prerequisite to the maintenance of good order throughout the nation. The breadth and depth of statesmanship required are even better set forth in this saying of Confucius: "The superior man governs men according to their nature, with what is proper to them." (Doctrine of the Mean, c. xiii., v. 21.) With greater circumstantiality, yet in a very brief compass, he sets forth the prerequisites anew in this sentence: "To rule a country of a thousand chariots, there must be reverent attention to business, and sincerity; economy in expenditure, and love for men; and the employment of the people at the proper seasons." (Analects, bk. i., c. v.) p. 238 The course of wisdom when there is not good government, he marks out as follows: "When good government prevails in a state, language may be lofty and bold, and actions the same. When bad government prevails, the actions may be lofty and bold, but the language may be with some reserve." (Analects, bk. xiv., c. iv.) The manner in which a state may crumble ands decay and therefore succumb to superior force and pass away, Mencius thus describes: "A man must first despise himself and then others will despise him. A family must first destroy itself and then others will destroy it. A kingdom must first strike down itself and then others will strike it down." (Bk. iv., pt. i., c. viii., v. 4.)

The manner in which a state may crumble ands decay and therefore succumb to superior force and pass away, Mencius thus describes: "A man must first despise himself and then others will despise him. A family must first destroy itself and then others will destroy it. A kingdom must first strike down itself and then others will strike it down." (Bk. iv., pt. i., c. viii., v. 4.) Duty Respecting Acceptance of Office. "When right principles of government prevail in the empire, he will show himself; when they are prostrated, he will keep retired." (Analects, bk. viii., c. xiii., v. 2.) In the "Analects," Confucius thus described the duty of the superior man as regards accepting office and retiring from it. The following, to like effect, is attributed, in the "Analects," to Tsze-chang: "The minister, Tsze-wan, thrice took office and manifested no joy in his countenance. Thrice he retired from office and manifested no displeasure. He made it a point to inform the new minister of the way in which he had conducted the government." (Bk. v., c. xviii., v. I.) Confucius again gave voice to the same sentiment p. 239 in this: "When good government prevails in the state, he is to be found in office. When bad government prevails, he can roll his principles up and keep them in his breast." (Analects, bk. xv., c. xi., v. 2.) Indeed, he proclaimed it the part of a wise and prudent man to quit a badly governed state forthwith: "Such an one will not enter a tottering state nor dwell in a disorganized one." (Analects, bk. viii., c. xiii., v. 2.)

Indeed, he proclaimed it the part of a wise and prudent man to quit a badly governed state forthwith: "Such an one will not enter a tottering state nor dwell in a disorganized one." (Analects, bk. viii., c. xiii., v. 2.) Yet he quoted with warm approval the following reply of Hwuy, when reproved for remaining in a state which had dismissed him for acting the part of a righteous judge: "Hwuy of Lew-hea, being chief criminal judge, was thrice dismissed from office. Someone said to him, 'Is it not time for you, sir, to quit the country?' He replied, 'Serving men in an upright way, where shall I go and not experience such a thrice-repeated dismissal? If I chose to serve men in a crooked way, what need would there be that I leave the country of my parents?'" (Analects, bk. xviii., c. ii.) The border-warden at E, having interviewed Confucius after the latter had been deprived of office, announced: "My friends, why are you distressed by your Master's loss of office? The empire has long been without principles; Heaven is going to use your Master as a wooden-tongued bell." (Analects, bk. iii., c. xxiv.) Confucius, however, held it to be no part of the duty of an officer who has been discharged, to air p. 240 his grievances and criticize his successor, as witness these words, spoken to Yen Yuen: "The Master said to Yen Yuen, 'When called to office, to undertake its duties; when not so called, to lie retired,—it is only I and you who have attained to this!'" (Analects, bk. vii., c. x., v. i.)

his grievances and criticize his successor, as witness these words, spoken to Yen Yuen: "The Master said to Yen Yuen, 'When called to office, to undertake its duties; when not so called, to lie retired,—it is only I and you who have attained to this!'" (Analects, bk. vii., c. x., v. i.) And at another time he spoke even more to the point in this fashion: "He who is not in a particular office has nothing to do with the plan for the administration of its duties." (Analects, bk. viii., c. xiv.) Acceptance of retirement from office, absolute acquiescence in it, even warm welcome of it and refusal to accept even the most exalted official station were warmly commended, as in this: "The Master said, 'T’ao-pih may be said to have reached the highest point in virtuous action. Thrice he declined the empire, and the people could not express their approbation of his conduct.'" (Analects, bk. viii., c. i.) Yet service and even ambition to be called to public service were recommended to his disciples, as in this: "When you are living in any state, take service with the most worthy among its great officers and make friends with the most virtuous among its scholars." (Analects, bk. xv., c. ix.) And his disciple, Tsze-Loo, holds that, when called to office and conscious of ability to render valuable service, the superior man is obliged to respond, albeit both against his inclination and against his judgment, in that the conditions will

And his disciple, Tsze-Loo, holds that, when called to office and conscious of ability to render valuable service, the superior man is obliged to respond, albeit both against his inclination and against his judgment, in that the conditions will p. 241 not permit thorough reform: "Not to take office is wrong. If the relations between old and young may not be neglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should be observed between the sovereign and the minister? Wishing to maintain his personal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion. A superior man takes office and performs the righteous duties belonging to it. As to the failure of right principles to make progress, he is aware of that." (Analects, bk. xviii., c. vii., v. 5.) Government Is by the Consent of the Governed. " By winning the people, the kingdom is won; by losing the people, the kingdom is lost." (Great Learning, c. x., v. 5.) This statement taken from "The Great Learning" is characteristic of the view of Confucius concerning government. It was already old in his time, however; for in the "Shu King," the following is quoted among the most ancient "Cautions of the Great Yu": "The people are the root of a country." (Pt. iii., bk. iii.) And in the same book, the great ruler, Shun, is reported as saying: "Of all who are to be feared, are not the people the chief?" (Pt. ii., bk. ii., 2.) Mencius gives much fuller and more detailed expression to the view in this passage: "That Kee and Chow lost the empire arose from their losing the people; to lose the people means to lose their hearts. There is a way to get the empire—get the people and it is yours. There is a way to

Mencius gives much fuller and more detailed expression to the view in this passage: "That Kee and Chow lost the empire arose from their losing the people; to lose the people means to lose their hearts. There is a way to get the empire—get the people and it is yours. There is a way to p. 242 get the people—win their hearts and they are yours. There is a way to win their hearts—simply procure for them what they like and lay not upon them what they do not like. The people turn to a benevolent government as water flows down hill and as wild beasts flee to the wilderness." (Bk. iv., pt. i., c. ix., v. 1, 2.) The following concerning the truly royal ruler is quoted in "The Great Learning": "When he loves what the people love and hates what the people hate, then is a ruler what is called the parent of his people." (C. x., v. 3.) That the sage did not mean thereby to commend the acts of the demagogue, which are also vain, Mencius indicates in this brief saying: "If a governor will please everyone, he will find the days not sufficient." (Bk. iv., pt. ii., c. ii., v. 5.) Yet to King Hwuy, of Leang, he thus presents the reward for protecting and serving the people: "Those rulers, as it were, drive their people into pitfalls and drown them. Your Majesty will go to punish them. In such a case, who will oppose Your Majesty?" (Bk. i., pt. i., c. v., v. 5.) Ch‘êng Tang, in the "Shu King," thus attributes all wisdom to the people and invariable correctness to their deliberate choice: "The great God has conferred on the common people a moral sense, compliance with which would show their nature invariably right." (Pt. iv., bk. iii., 2.)

Ch‘êng Tang, in the "Shu King," thus attributes all wisdom to the people and invariable correctness to their deliberate choice: "The great God has conferred on the common people a moral sense, compliance with which would show their nature invariably right." (Pt. iv., bk. iii., 2.) In the "Shi King" the same view is expressed in these words: "Heaven, in giving birth to the p. 243 multitude of the people, to every faculty and relationship annexed its law. The people possess this normal nature, and they love normal virtue." (Major Odes, ode 6, decade iii.) And in the "Shu King" I Yin expatiates upon it more at length as follows: "There is no invariable model of virtue; a supreme regard for what is good makes a model for it. There is no invariable characteristic of what is good that is to be supremely regarded; it is found where there is a conformity with the common consciousness as to what is good." (Pt. iv., bk. vi., 3.) Mencius unhesitatingly applied this in the most democratic manner, as in this: "If the people of Yen will be pleased at your taking possession of it, do so. Among the ancients one acted upon this principle, King Wu. If the people of Yen will not be pleased at your taking possession of it, do not do so. Among the ancients one acted upon this principle, King Wan." (Bk. i., pt. i., c. x., v. 3.) But he does not content himself merely with citing precedents in the conduct of the half-mythical fathers; instead, as in his conversation with King Seang, of Leang, he boldly affirmed the fundamental principle that the people are the sole source of power:

But he does not content himself merely with citing precedents in the conduct of the half-mythical fathers; instead, as in his conversation with King Seang, of Leang, he boldly affirmed the fundamental principle that the people are the sole source of power: “‘How can the empire be settled?’ “‘It will be settled by being united under one sway.’ “‘Who can so unite it?’ p. 244 “‘He who has no pleasure in killing men can so unite it.’ “‘Who can give it to him?’ “‘All the people of the empire will unanimously give it to him.’” (Mencius, bk. i., c. vi., v. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.) That merit produces the confidence of the people in their ruler and thereby secures for him his throne, Mencius asserts in this conversation, which has come down to us: “Wan Chang asked, ‘Is it true that Yaou gave the empire to Shun?’ “Mencius answered: ‘No. The emperor cannot give the empire to another.’ “‘Yes, but Shun got the empire. Who gave it to him?’ “‘Heaven gave it to him.’ “‘Heaven gave it to him? Did Heaven confer this appointment upon him in express terms?’ “‘No. No. Heaven does not speak. It simply showed its will by his personal behaviour and his management of affairs.’” (Bk. v., pt. i., c. v., v. 1, 2, 3, 4.) The divine right of kings he did not deny; instead he proclaimed it, but only with this explanation, taken from an ancient source: "This sentiment is expressed in the words of the Great Declaration: 'Heaven sees as my people see; Heaven hears as my people hear.'" (Bk. v., pt i., c. v., v. 8.)

The divine right of kings he did not deny; instead he proclaimed it, but only with this explanation, taken from an ancient source: "This sentiment is expressed in the words of the Great Declaration: 'Heaven sees as my people see; Heaven hears as my people hear.'" (Bk. v., pt i., c. v., v. 8.) In the "Li Ki," it is even related that in earlier p. 245 days all was democratic, thus: "There was nowhere such a thing as being born noble. . . . Anciently, there was no rank in birth and no honorary title after death." (Bk. ix., sect. iii., 5.) In the same book, the existence of a hereditary monarchy is deplored as a sign of degeneration, in these words: "Now that the Grand Course has fallen into disuse and obscurity, the kingdom is a family inheritance." (Bk. vii., sect. i., 3.) The Right to Depose the Ruler. "Tsze-loo asked how a sovereign should be served. The Master said: 'Do not impose on him, and, moreover, withstand him to his face.'" (Analects, bk. xiv., c. xxiii.) In another place in the "Analects," however, the disciple, Tsze-hea, explains the requisite foundation for such boldness of conduct, thus: "Having obtained the confidence of his prince, he may then remonstrate with him. If he have not gained his confidence, the prince will think that he is vilifying him." (Bk. xix., c. x.) Mencius thus characterizes this friendly, though perilous action: "It was then that the Che-shaou and Keo-shaou were made, in the poetry of which it was said: 'What blame is there for restraining one's prince? He who restrains his prince is his friend.'" (Bk. i., pt. ii., c. iv., v. 10.)

Mencius thus characterizes this friendly, though perilous action: "It was then that the Che-shaou and Keo-shaou were made, in the poetry of which it was said: 'What blame is there for restraining one's prince? He who restrains his prince is his friend.'" (Bk. i., pt. ii., c. iv., v. 10.) In the "Li Ki" this duty of the minister is yet more circumstantially described, as follows: "One in the position of a minister and inferior might remonstrate with his ruler, but not speak ill of p. 246 him; might withdraw but not remain and hate; might praise but not flatter; might remonstrate but not give himself haughty airs when his advice is followed. If the ruler were idle and indifferent, he might arouse and assist him; if the government were going to wreck, he might sweep it away and institute a new one." (Bk. xv., 21.) Neither Confucius nor Mencius avoided this duty of protest and of rebuke. The following from Mencius is an instance: “‘Suppose the chief criminal judge could not regulate the officers; how would you deal with him?’ “The king said: ‘Dismiss him.’ “‘If within the four borders of your kingdom there is not good government, what is to be done?’ “The king looked to the right and left, and spoke of other matters.” (Bk. i., pt. ii., c. vi., v. 2, 3.) Yet in the "Analects" this is found, by way of warning: "Tsze-Yew said: 'In serving one's prince, frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace.'" (Bk. iv., c. xxvi.)

Yet in the "Analects" this is found, by way of warning: "Tsze-Yew said: 'In serving one's prince, frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace.'" (Bk. iv., c. xxvi.) The estimate which the people, however, place upon the contrary course is well set forth in this: "The Master said: "The full observance of the rules of propriety in serving one's prince [i.e., by himself, Confucius] is accounted by the people to be flattery.'" (Analects, bk. iii., c. xviii.) Confucius offers this counsel to the great minister who finds his mild persuasion and counsel rejected: "What is called a great minister is one p. 247 who serves his prince according to what is right, and when he finds he cannot do so, retires." (Analects, bk. xi., c. xxiii., v. 3.) Mencius advises a more Spartan course on the part of a monarch's relatives if he proves impracticable, thus: “The king said: ‘I beg to ask about the chief ministers who are noble and related to the prince.'’ “Mencius answered: ‘If the prince have great faults, they ought to remonstrate with him; and, if he do not listen to them after they have done so again and again, they ought to depose him.’ (Bk. v., pt. ii., c. ix., v. I.) Mencius thus justified even regicide, when the circumstances call for it: “King Seuen of Ts‘e asked: "Is it true that Tang banished Kee and that King Wu slew Chow?’” Mencius replied: 'History tells us so.' “The king asked: ‘May a minister put his sovereign to death?’

“Mencius said; ‘He who outrages benevolence is called a robber; he who outrages righteousness, is called a ruffian. The robber and ruffian we call a mere fellow. I have heard of the execution of the fellow, Chow, but I have not so heard of one's sovereign being put to death.’” (Bk. i., pt. ii., c. viii.)